[Armagan]

59. Cf. Rec., iv, p. 298,11. 2-6.
60. The story of ‘Izzeddin’s projects, imprisonment and liberation in Pachymeres, i, pp. 229, 1. 3-240, 1. 22, and in Gregoras, i, pp. 82, 1. 10-83, 1. 2 ; 99, 1. 21-101, 1. 19, also in Aqsarayi, ed. O. Turan, pp. 75, 1. 5-76, 1. 12. His liberation, in Maqrizi, Suluk, i, Cairo, 1934, p. 522 (transl. Quatremere, Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks, I 2, p. 57 seq.); other Arabic sources in W. de Tiesenhausen, Recueil de materiaux relatifs a l’histoire de la Horde d’Or, i, St. Petersburg, 1884, pp. 81 (Rukneddin Baibars), 133 (Nuwairi), 179 (Mufaddal), 200 (Dhahabi), 482 (‘Aini).
61. Cf. Rec., iv, p. 298, 11. 7-9.
62. Cf. Rec., iv, p. 298, 11. 9-11.
63. Gregoras, i, p. 101, 11. 16—19:
.
Also p. 229, 11. 11-17, and p. 248, 11. 6-10.
64. Pachymeres, ii, p. 574, 11. 5—7:

65. Ib., p. 550, 11. 15—19:

66. See above, n. 1.
67. Gregoras, i, p. 248, 1. 9 seq.:
68. The türbe of the saint still exists at Aqshehir (see F. Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1896, p. 22). Of its two inscriptions, one, bearing the date 1224, comes from a mosque and is here re-employed as an ornament (Cl. Huart, Epigraphie d’Asie Mineure, Paris, 1895, no. 15); the other, above the door, mentions the restoration of the turbe by the saint’s great-grandson Seyyidi Muhyi ed-din in 812 h. = 1409-1410. I give here its full reading to replace the incomplete copy in Huart, no. 16:

The three wooden coffins, wonderfully carved (F. Sarre, Seldschukische Kleinkunst, Leipzig, 1909, ii, pi. 14, shows them still in situ), are now in the Museum of Turkish and Islamic Antiquities (the former Evqaf Müzesi); in the guide book of the museum (Türk ve Islam eserleri rehberi, Istanbul, 1939, p. 13, nos. 193, 191, and 194) are fairly correctly reproduced the inscriptions of the three sarcophagi, i.e. of our saint Mahmud b. Mas’ud, died in 667 h. = 1268-9, of his brother Ahmed b. Mas’ud, died 649 h. = 1251-2, and of his grandson ‘Ali b. Mehmed (i.e. Muhyi ed-din) b. Mahmud er-Rufa’i (the father of the restorer of the turbe), without date.
Mahmud al-Hayrani appears as a contemporary of Jelaleddin Rumi (died in 1273) in Eflaki ; see Cl. Huart, Les Saints des Derviches Tourneurs, Paris, 1918-1922, ii, p. 108. E. Gross, Das Vilajet-name des Haggi Bektasch, Leipzig, 1927 (Turkische Bibliothek xxv), p. 80 seq., shows our saint as claimed by the Bektashi, just as it is the case with Sari Saltiq (ib., p. 73).
69. See Köprülüzade M. Fu’ad in Darülfünun Edebiyat Fakültesi Mejmu’asi, ii, 1922, p. 292 seq., and more fully in his Influence du Chamanisme Turco-Mongol sur les Ordres Mystiques Musulmans, Istanbul, 1929, pp. 14-17; cf. also the same in Belleten, vi, 1943, p. 431, n. 1, where Prof. F. Köprülü promises a monograph on Baraq and also a study on Sari Saltiq which will make use of a newly discovered Saltiq-name of the late 15th century.
70. G. Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, Budapest, 1942-3, ii, records s.v. Parak two baptized Tatar women who died in 1280 and 1308 respectively, and s.v. BarakoV an Ottoman army chief of the early 15th century as well as in an Athos document of 1292. For Mongol and Turkish rulers of the name of Baraq see EI. s.v., and Khalil Edhem, Düvel-i islamiye (index) or E. de Zambaur, Manuel de genealogie (index, s.v. Boraq). For the central asiatic Baraq Khan, who in the years 1422-7 dominated the events in the realm of the Golden Horde, see B. Spuler, Die Goldene Horde, Leipzig, 1943, p. 156 seq.
71. For this is doubtless its meaning. In classical antiquity the saliva was considered as a means of conferring spiritual power; see e.g. J. Davreux, La legende de la prophetesse Cassandre, Paris, 1943, p. 69, and Prof. R. Goossens’ remarks thereon in L’Antiquite Classique, xiii, 1944, p. 178 seq.
72. M. Tayyib Okic, ‘San Saltuk’a ait bir fetva’ in: Ankara Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, i, 1952, pp. 3-13, giving (p. 10) the text of the fetva: the question submitted by Sultan Sulaiman I: ‘Is the person known by the name of Sari Saltiq a saint?’ and Abu’s-Su’ud’s reply:
73. See above, p. 655, n. 3.
74. Pachymeres, i, p. 258, 1. 7:

75. Ib., p. 259, 11. 11-13:

76. Gregoras, i, p. 94, 11. 10-19.
77. Cantacuzenus, i, p. 269, 1. 21, Bonn: and pp. 271, 1. 12-272, 1. 22.
78. Ib., iii, pp. 161,1. 7-163,1. 3. His appointment as commandant of Edessa, ib., pp. 129 ult.-130, 2: . Probably Lyzikos was one of those notables of Berrhoia who had fled before the Servian occupation to the emperor, with whose army they returned to the reconquest of their town; he was certainly among the many men of Berrhoia who then went with the emperor to recapture also the neighbouring Edessa from the Servians (ib., p. 123,11. 1-5, and p. 127, 1. 2).
79. Sp. Lampros, , ed. K. I. Amantos, Athens, 1932, no. 29, 1. 7 ; no. 42, 1. 29; no. 49,1. 46: 8 May 6895 A.M. = 1387 ( is obviously a corruption of ).
80. I owe this information to my friend and colleague Prof. Halil Inalcik, of Ankara University, who is engaged in preparing the edition of this defter; for the present see the brief information he gives on this matter in Belleten, xv, 1951, p. 650.
81. It seems to me very probable that in the important movement connected with the sheikh’s name the ‘people of Kaikaus’ played a foremost role, politically as well as ideologically, and that Bedreddin was involved in it because of his descent from Kaikaus. (Since Prof. F. Babinger’s inspiring monograph in Der Islam, xi, 1921, pp. 1-106, the Bedreddin movement has been the subject of many studies of which the most recent is H. J. Kissling, ‘Das Menaqybname Scheich Bedr ed-Din’s, des Sohnes des Richters von Samavna,’ in ZDMG., c, 1950, pp. 112-176.)
82. Gregoras, i, pp. 227,1. 4-233,1. 13; pp. 244,1. 16-249,1. 2; pp. 254,1. 2-258,1. 14; pp. 262, 1. 20-269, 1. 23, Bonn.
83. Ib., p. 228, 11. 22-4:

84. Ib., p. 229, 11. 11-17 ; cf. above, p. 657, n. 1.
85. Ib., p. 232, 11. 11—13:

86. Ib., p. 248, 11. 5-15. 87. Ib., p. 248, 11. 18—20: